Because of our success : the changing racial and ethnic ancestry of Blacks on affirmative action / Kevin D. Brown.
2014
LC213.52 .B76 2014 (Map It)
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Author
Title
Because of our success : the changing racial and ethnic ancestry of Blacks on affirmative action / Kevin D. Brown.
Published
Durham, North Carolina : Carolina Academic Press, [2014]
Call Number
LC213.52 .B76 2014
ISBN
9781611634440 paperback
161163444X paperback
161163444X paperback
Description
xxx, 374 pages ; 24 cm
System Control No.
(OCoLC)885298664
Bibliography, etc. Note
Includes bibliographical references (pages 317-349) and index.
Record Appears in
Gift
Purchased from the income of the Jaffe Fund
Gift
The Arthur W. Diamond Law Library
Purchased from the income of the Jaffe Fund
Table of Contents
Foreword / Theodore M. Shaw
xiii
Preface / Dennis J. Shields
xxv
Acknowledgments
xxix
Introduction
3
I.
Changes in the Racial and Ethnic Ancestry of Blacks Since the Origin of Affirmative Action Admissions Policies
3
II.
Disproportionate Numbers of Black Multiracials and Black Immigrants Attending Selective Higher Education Institutions
7
III.
What Stands to Be Lost by the Ethnic Cleansing of Ascendant Blacks from the Campuses of Selective Higher Education Programs
10
IV.
Discussing the Virtual Elimination of Ascendant Blacks Demonstrates the Weakening Power of Racism
17
V.
Suggested Changes in the Admissions Process
19
VI.
Limitations on the Scope of This Book
26
VII.
Chapter Summaries
27
Chapter One
27
Chapter Two
28
Chapter Three
29
Chapter Four
30
Chapter Five
31
ch. One
Historical Development of Federal Racial and Ethnic Classifications in Education
33
I.
History of the Federal Government's Use of Racial and Ethnic Classifications Until the 1970s
37
A.
Use of Racial Classifications for Census Purposes from 1790 to 1840
38
B.
Efforts to Separate Mixed-Race Blacks: 1850 to 1920
39
C.
One-Drop Rule Becomes Official and Census Moves to Self-Reporting Forms: 1930 to 1970
40
D.
Hispanics/Latinos and the Census
41
II.
Efforts to Standardize the Collection of Data on Race and Ethnicity in the 1970s: Adoption of Directive 15
43
III.
Adoption of the 1997 Revisions
48
A.
Need to Revise Directive 15
48
B.
1997 Revisions
50
1.
Hispanic/Latino Ethnicity Question and the Two-Question Format
50
2.
How to Collect Data on Individuals of Multiple Racial Heritage
51
3.
Modifications for the Racial Categories
52
C.
Results of the 2000 and 2010 Censuses
53
IV.
The Final Guidance
55
A.
Adoption of the EEOC Revisions
56
B.
The Final Guidance Procedures for Collecting and Reporting Racial and Ethnic Data to the Department of Education
58
C.
Impact of the Final Guidance on Admissions Prospects of Black Hispanics and Blacks with Two or More Races
60
D.
The Final Guidance Was Not Meant to Address Black Immigrants
62
Conclusion
63
ch. Two
The Two Aspects of the History of the Black Experience
65
I.
The Traditional View of the African American Experience of Being Raced
68
A.
Treatment of Blacks during the Colonial and Antebellum Eras
70
1.
Origins of Slavery
70
2.
Slavery in the South
71
3.
Conditions of Blacks in the North during the Antebellum Period
73
B.
From the Civil War until the Disenfranchisement of Black Males
76
C.
The Rise of Segregation
80
D.
Desegregation Era
83
1.
Rationales Justifying the Oppression of Blacks
83
2.
Emergence of Expert Opinion that Racial Differences Result Primarily from Socioenvironmental Conditions
86
3.
Desegregation of American Society
88
E.
Post-Racial/Colorblind Era
90
II.
Race as the Characteristic that Bound Black People Together in a Collective Struggle Against Their Oppression
96
A.
Resistance to Slavery During the Colonial and Antebellum Eras
98
1.
Violent Resistance to Captivity by Black Freedom Fighters
99
2.
Self-Liberation
102
3.
Involvement in Abolition Movements
104
4.
Day-to-Day Resistance to Slavery
106
B.
Liberation Efforts During the Civil War and Reconstruction
108
1.
Black Liberation Efforts During the Civil War
108
2.
Advocating for Civil and Political Rights
111
3.
Failure to Receive Land
113
C.
Struggle against Racial Oppression in the Form of Segregation
114
1.
The Black Church
115
2.
Education
116
3.
Emigration Movements
120
4.
Business, Professional, and Civil Rights Organizations
121
5.
Involvement in Civil Rights Organizations and Protest Movements
124
6.
Conclusion
127
D.
Liberation Efforts during the Desegregation Era
127
E.
Continued Struggle in the Post-Racial/Colorblind Era
132
Conclusion
139
ch. Three
Black Multiracials: Why They Should Not Be Preferred over Ascendant Blacks
141
I.
Increasing Interracial Sexual Relationships and Black Multiracials since the Institution of Affirmative Action
147
A.
Increasing Acceptance and Number of Interracial Sexual Relationships
148
B.
Increasing Numbers of Black Multiracials
150
C.
Evidence of Overrepresentation of Black Multiracials Attending Selective Higher Education Institutions
150
D.
Parental Educational Levels and Higher Family Incomes Explain Part of the Overrepresentation of Black Multiracials
153
1.
Black Multiracials Tend to Have Parents with Higher Levels of Academic Achievement
154
2.
Black Multiracials Tend to Come from Families with More Income
155
II.
History of Antimiscegenation Measures and the Treatment of Mixed-Race Blacks during the Colonial and Antebellum Era
156
A.
Antimiscegenation Measures and the Treatment of Mixed-Race Blacks in the Upper South and North
157
B.
Status of Mulattoes in the Lower South during the Antebellum Era
161
1.
Charleston, South Carolina
161
2.
New Orleans, Louisiana
163
3.
Mobile, Alabama
164
III.
The Rise of the One-Drop Rule
165
A.
The Rise of Scientific Concerns about the Nature of Mulattoes
166
B.
The Validity of Antimiscegenation Measures in Light of Major Legal Changes during Reconstruction
169
C.
The Rise of the One-Drop Rule: Scientific Concerns about Miscegenation after Abolition and the Civil War
171
D.
The Marginal Man Hypothesis: Mixed-Race Blacks Encouraged to Identify with Only Their African Ancestry
176
IV.
The Demise of the One-Drop Rule and the Rise of Black Multiracials
177
A.
The Supreme Court Strikes Down Antimiscegenation Statutes
178
B.
The Rise of the Multiracial Movement
180
C.
The Federal Government's Move to Self-Identification of Race
183
D.
Immigration Has Changed the Face and Complexion of American Society
184
V.
Why Ascendant Blacks Should Receive More Positive Consideration in the Admissions Process
185
A.
The Ancestry of Black Multiracials Means That They Have Fewer Experiences Than Ascendant Blacks
186
B.
Research on the Racial Identity Formation of Black Multiracials Suggests They Are Less Likely to Identify Only as Black
186
C.
Many Black Multiracials Grow Up in Households without any Blacks
188
D.
Black Multiracials May Also Have Divided Loyalties
189
E.
Conclusion
189
Conclusion
190
ch. Four
Black Immigrants: Why They Should Not Be Preferred over Ascendant Blacks
193
I.
Increasing Numbers of Black Immigrants since the Institution of Affirmative Action
195
A.
Increasing Numbers of Foreign-Born Blacks
196
B.
Evidence of Overrepresentation of Black Immigrants Attending Selective Higher Education Institutions
197
C.
Why Black Immigrants Perform Better Academically than Ascendant Blacks
199
1.
Black Immigrants Tend to Have Parents with Higher Levels of Academic Attainment
200
2.
Black Immigrants Tend to Come from Families with More Income
201
3.
Children of Foreign-Born Blacks Are More Likely to Grow up with Two Parents
201
II.
History of Black Migration Before the Adoption of Affirmative Action Policies
202
A.
Black Migration Before the Abolition of Slavery
202
B.
Black Immigration from the Abolition of Slavery to the Immigration Reforms of the 1920s
203
C.
Restrictive Immigration Reforms and Black Immigration after the 1920s
205
III.
Modern Wave of Black Migration
207
A.
International Conditions that Contributed to the Modern Wave of Black Immigration into the United States
208
1.
Restrictive Immigration Measures Enacted in Europe, Especially in the United Kingdom
208
2.
Causes of Caribbean Immigration to the United States
212
3.
Causes of African Immigration to the United States
213
B.
Changes in U.S. Immigration Law Starting with the Passage of the Hart-Cellar Act
214
C.
Specific Changes to U.S. Immigration Law that Benefitted Black Immigration
215
IV.
Why Ascendant Blacks Should Receive More Positive Consideration in the Admissions Process of Selective Higher Education Institutions
216
A.
Sociocultural Differences Between Adult Black Immigrants and Ascendant Blacks
217
1.
Adult Black Immigrants Occupy a Unique Sociocultural Status
219
2.
Foreign-Born Blacks Tend to Have a More Optimistic Outlook
221
3.
Foreign-Born Blacks Have a Less Oppositional Culture than Native-Born Blacks
224
4.
Race Is Not as Salient a Feature of the Experience of Foreign-Born Blacks as It Is for Native-Born Blacks
225
5.
Foreign-Born Blacks are Used to Seeing Blacks Occupy All Positions in the Socioeconomic Order
226
6.
The Reasons Foreign-Born Blacks Come to the United States Militates against Experiences Related to the History of Discrimination
227
B.
Differences between Next-Generation Black Immigrants and Ascendant Blacks
228
Conclusion
232
ch. Five
Proposal for Changes in the Admissions Process
233
I.
Changes to Admissions Forms
235
II.
The Proposal's Hybrid Approach to Positive Consideration in the Admissions Process
239
III.
How the Proposal Applies to Various Black Racial/Ethnic Groups
241
A.
Implications for the Admissions Prospects of Black Hispanic Applicants
242
B.
Implications for the Admissions Prospects of Blacks with Two or More Races
243
C.
Implications for the Admissions Prospects of Black Immigrant Applicants
246
D.
Implications for the Admissions Prospects of Ascendant Black Applicants
247
Conclusion: Limitations of the Proposal
248
Conclusion
251
Endnotes
255
Bibliography
317
Index
351